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frontier we will suffer no armed nation of Europe to make permanent
settlement and endanger our peace is exactly the same sort of principle
that the German holds when he says, "We must have the strongest army,"
and the same which the Englishman holds when he says, "We must have the
strongest fleet."
I want it distinctly understood that I am not a partisan. I am not pro
this or pro that or pro anything except pro-American, and the principal
impulse I have in trying to clarify my mind is my hope that there may be
an end to these hysterical exhibitions of partisanship, in which
(throughout this neutral nation) men indulge who still hold too
strongly, as I think, to the glory, honor, dignity, and traditions of
the lands of their origin.
An Answer by Prof. Ladd
Emeritus Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy at Yale
University; Lecturer on Philosophy in India and Japan; has
received numerous decorations in Japan, where he was guest and
unofficial adviser of Prince Ito; ex-President of American
Psychological Association.
_To the Editor of The New York Times:_
It seems strange to me that a student of history with the training and
acumen of Prof. Sloane should overlook or minimize the important
distinction that must hold the chief place in enabling us to understand
the issues and appreciate the merits of the war now raging in Europe.
This distinction is that between the German people and Germanic
civilization, on the one hand, and, on the other, the present
Constitution and cherished ambitions of the German Empire under the
dominance of Prussia. The German people, by genuine processes of
self-development, have worked out for themselves a veritable spiritual
unity which manifests itself in language, laws, customs, and a large
measure of substantial uniformity in moral and religious ideals.
Germanic civilization, with its love of order, its high estimate of
education, its notable additions to science, philosophy, and art,
constitutes one of the most noble and beneficent contributions to the
welfare of mankind.
But the case is not at all the same with the German Empire as at present
constituted. It is not a historical development, a truly national
affair, as are the Empire of Great Britain, the Republics of France and
the United States, or the Empires of Russia and Japan. It is a modern
combination of politically divergent unities, forced by the ruthless but
infinitely sh
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