re than twenty States, some stretching
along the same seaboard, some along the same line of inland frontier,
and others on opposite banks of the same vast rivers. Two considerations
at once presented themselves with great force, in looking at this state
of things. One was, that that great branch of improvement which
consisted in furnishing new facilities of intercourse necessarily ran
into different States in every leading instance, and would benefit the
citizens of all such States. No one State, therefore, in such cases,
would assume the whole expense, nor was the co-operation of several
States to be expected. Take the instance of the Delaware breakwater. It
will cost several millions of money. Would Pennsylvania alone ever have
constructed it? Certainly never, while this Union lasts, because it is
not for her sole benefit. Would Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware
have united to accomplish it at their joint expense? Certainly not, for
the same reason. It could not be done, therefore, but by the general
government. The same may be said of the large inland undertakings,
except that, in them, government, instead of bearing the whole expense,
co-operates with others who bear a part. The other consideration is,
that the United States have the means. They enjoy the revenues derived
from commerce, and the States have no abundant and easy sources of
public income. The custom-houses fill the general treasury, while the
States have scanty resources, except by resort to heavy direct taxes.

Under this view of things, I thought it necessary to settle, at least
for myself, some definite notions with respect to the powers of the
government in regard to internal affairs. It may not savor too much of
self-commendation to remark, that, with this object, I considered the
Constitution, its judicial construction, its contemporaneous exposition,
and the whole history of the legislation of Congress under it; and I
arrived at the conclusion, that government had power to accomplish
sundry objects, or aid in their accomplishment, which are now commonly
spoken of as INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. That conclusion, Sir, may have been
right, or it may have been wrong. I am not about to argue the grounds of
it at large. I say only, that it was adopted and acted on even so early
as in 1816. Yes, Mr. President, I made up my opinion, and determined on
my intended course of political conduct, on these subjects, in the
Fourteenth Congress, in 1816. And now,