hile ready to resign
his office, was not much consoled by this presentation of the
case.

Late in the month (May 23) Mr. Gladstone wrote a long letter to the Queen,
giving her "some idea of the shades of opinion existing in the cabinet
with reference to legislation for Ireland." He thought it desirable to
supply an outline of this kind, because the subject was sure to recur
after a short time, and was "likely to exercise a most important influence
in the coming parliament on the course of affairs." The two points on
which there was considerable divergence of view were the expiry of the
Crimes Act, and the concession of local government. The Irish viceroy was
ready to drop a large portion of what Mr. Gladstone called coercive
provisions, while retaining provisions special to Ireland, but favouring
the efficiency of the law. Other ministers were doubtful whether any
special legislation was needed for Irish criminal law. Then on the point
whether the new bill should be for two years or one, some, including Mr.
Gladstone and Lord Spencer, were for the longer term, others, including
Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Charles Dilke, for the shorter. At last the whole
cabinet agreed to two years. Next for local government,--some held that a
liberal move in this region (M76) would possibly obviate all need for
special criminal legislation, and would at any rate take the sting out of
it. To this "vastly important subject" the prime minister presumed to draw
the Queen's special attention, as involving great and far-reaching
questions. He did not, he said, regard the differences of leaning in the
cabinet upon these matters with either surprise or dismay. Such
difficulties were due to inherent difficulties in the matters themselves,
and were to be expected from the action of independent and energetic minds
in affairs so complex.

There were two main opinions. One favoured the erection of a system of
representative county government in Ireland. The other view was that
besides the county boards, there should be in addition a central board for
all Ireland, essentially municipal and not political; in the main
executive and administrative, but also with a power to make bye-laws,
raise funds, and pledge public credit in such modes as parliament should
provide. The central board would take over education, primary, in part
intermediate, and perhaps even higher; poor law and sanitary
administration; and public works. The whole charge of jus