inces of the Papal
States. This was wholly the work of foreigners. A Bonaparte, attended by a
numerous and well-disciplined army, invaded Italy. His arms were, to a
certain extent, successful; and so rebellion was encouraged. Another
Bonaparte excited to revolt the city of Perugia. The disturbance was
speedily settled by a handful of troops whom the sovereign had despatched
from Rome, to the great satisfaction of the citizens of Perugia. In other
cities, by the like instrumentalities, were like movements occasioned.
They were invariably suppressed by the loyal and devoted people. So much
was this the case that the Pontifical government warmly thanked the mayors
and municipalities of no fewer than seven or eight cities for their good
services in putting down the nascent revolution. At Bologna, the capital
of the Romagnol or AEmilian provinces, a cousin of the Bonapartes, the
Marquis Pepoli, whom the benevolence of Pius IX. had restored to his
country, stirred up rebellion, and caused the Pontifical government to
give place to revolutionary misrule. The abettors of Pepoli, in this most
base and ungrateful proceeding, were his associates of the secret
societies; others who were foreigners at Bologna, and a few malcontents of
that city itself. But all these were far from being the citizens of
Bologna, far from being the people of the Bolognese provinces. Whilst such
things were done, where was the peace of Villafranca? It had become, or
rather, never was anything better than, waste paper. The head of the
Bonapartes was the offender, and he contrived to make France the partner
of his guilt.

"It is France," the illustrious M. de Montalembert affirms, "that has
allowed the temporal power of the Pope to be shaken. This is the fact,
which blind men only can deny. France is not engaged alone in this path,
but her overwhelming ascendancy places her at the head of the movement,
and throws the great and supreme responsibility of it upon her. We know
all the legitimate and crushing reproaches that are due to England and
Piedmont; but if France had so willed it, Piedmont would not have dared to
undertake anything against the Holy See, and England would have been
condemned to her impotent hatred.... The Congress of Paris, in 1856--having
solemnly declared, 'that none of the contracting powers had the right of
interfering, either collectively or individually, between a sovereign and
his subjects'(4)--after having proclaimed the principl