e if I remained silent any longer. I came here in
good faith, encouraged with the hope that this Conference would do
something which would indicate a purpose to protect and acknowledge
the rights of the slaveholding States. I have patiently attended your
sittings, and little by little that hope has faded, until to-night it
has almost passed away. What good can come of these deliberations,
when upon every question which is presented the lines of sectionalism
are tightly drawn, and with one or two exceptions every northern State
is arrayed against us? Suppose these proposals of amendment as
reported by the committee are adopted, there is evidently a purpose
manifested here by a large delegation from the free States, to prevent
their adoption by the people. I know the opposition which in any event
will be arrayed against them. It is an opposition which nothing but
unanimity among the moderate conservative men of the country can
overcome. Believe it or not, gentlemen, I assure you we are in
earnest, in our determination to have our rights under the
Constitution defined and guaranteed. Our safety, as well as our
self-respect, requires this. I have not been satisfied with the
majority report, but if I had been disposed to accept it--if the South
would accept it now, you will not concede even that. You insist upon
weakening its provisions by amendments, and by amendments which are
insulting to us.

It is now seriously proposed under the Constitution, by an express
provision, to deprive us of our property in slaves against our
consent, and to emancipate them by making compensation. What other
effect can be given to such an amendment? One of our slaves escapes
into a free State. He is arrested by the marshal and discharged by a
mob. Does this act discharge him from his service? Does this lawless
violence make him free? And if the town or city where the mob occurs
is made to pay a slight penalty, does this also divest the owner of
his right? This is nothing but an inducement to mobs and riots. Pass
this provision, and no fugitive slave will ever again be returned from
a free State. There will always be abolitionists enough to pay for a
slave, and this payment will set the slave free, and will constitute
the only penalty for this violence. For one, I would prefer to have no
provision at all on the subject than to have one encumbered with such
an amendment.

I have but little more to say. If the peace of this country is to be
he