ons will not be
satisfactory to the slave States, I, for one, will not degrade myself
by voting for them.

Mr. WICKLIFFE:--I insist now upon taking the vote.

The PRESIDENT:--The rules of the Conference do not require the vote to
be taken upon this proposition by sections.

Mr. WICKLIFFE:--We have not heretofore adhered to the rules. Let us
vote then on the whole as a proposition, and not by sections.

Mr. SEDDON:--I think we should take the vote by sections. It is
certainly within the discretion of the President to rule that the vote
may be so taken. The rules do not apply to an article which is
composed of many sections. We certainly should vote upon them
separately.

Mr. BROCKENBROUGH:--I desire now to get the amendment which I have
proposed once more before the Conference. I move to amend by adding to
the first section a clause which shall provide that

"The rights of the slave States shall be protected by all
the departments of the territorial government during its
continuance."

By the section as it now stands, the rights of the North are absolute;
those of the South should be equally clear. It is true that the
section contains a distinct recognition of the relation of master and
slave, but this recognition is in negative terms. It is certainly the
duty of the territorial legislature and government to protect these
rights wherever they are invaded. If this is so, why not declare it in
the provision?

Mr. WILMOT:--I desire to ask whether this proposition is in order.

Mr. BROCKENBROUGH:--I insist that it is. I assert the existence of
certain rights, and I want these rights protected under the
Constitution. Rights without remedies are anomalies of which the law
knows nothing.

Mr. WILMOT:--I feel constrained to oppose any amendment of this kind.

The PRESIDENT:--The Chair is inclined to rule this amendment as not in
order.

Mr. RUFFIN:--Before the final vote is taken, I wish to say a word by
way of explanation. My colleague says he cannot vote for the report of
the committee because he does not approve the whole of it. I do not
like the first article, but the report as a whole is a great
improvement upon the Constitution as it now stands. I think the report
ought to go before the people. If we can secure what the report
proposes, we are certainly no worse off. I wish to submit it to my
people, and thus have them to judge for themselves whether they will
adopt it.

Mr. MOREHEAD, of N