onfided for indefinite periods to military men: but circumstances
frequently placed naval officers, magistrates, the Supreme Court,
and even ecclesiastics at the head of the local government. During the
last half century of Spanish rule the common practice was to appoint
a Lieut.-General as Governor, with the local rank of Captain-General
pending his three-years' term of office. An exception to this rule in
that period was made (1883-85) when Joaquin Jovellar, a Captain-General
and ex-War Minster in Spain, was specially empowered to establish some
notable reforms--the good policy of which was doubtful. Again, in 1897,
Fernando Primo de Rivera, Marquis de Estella, also a Captain-General
in Spain, held office in Manila under the exceptional circumstances
of the Tagalog Rebellion of 1896, in succession to Ramon Blanco,
Marquis de Pena Plata. Considering that Primo de Rivera, during his
previous Gov.-Generalship (1880-83), had won great popularity with
the Filipinos, he was deemed, in Madrid, to be the man most capable
of arresting the revolutionary movement. How far the confidence of
the Home Government was misplaced will be seen in Chapter xxii.

Soon after the conquest the Colony was divided and sub-divided into
provinces and military districts as they gradually yielded to the
Spanish sway. Such districts, called _Encomiendas_, [97] were then
farmed out to _Encomenderos_, who exercised little scruple in their
rigorous exactions from the natives. Some of the _Encomenderos_
acquired wealth during the terms of their holdings, whilst others
became victims to the revenge of their subjects. They must indeed
have been bold, enterprising men who, in those days, would have taken
charge of districts distant from the capital. It would appear that
their tenure was, in a certain sense, feudal, for they were frequently
called upon to aid the Central Government with vessels, men, and arms
against the attacks of common enemies. Against Mahometan incursions
necessity made them warriors,--if they were not so by taste,--civil
engineers to open communications with their districts, administrators,
judges, and all that represented social order. _Encomiendas_ were
sometimes given to Spaniards as rewards for high services rendered
to the commonwealth, [98] although favouritism or (in later years)
purchase-money more commonly secured the vacancies, and the holders
were quite expected to make fortunes in the manner they thought fit,
with due rega