e: her property passed
to their legitimate issue, or--in default thereof--to her nearest blood
relation. The children might be rich, and, but for their generosity,
their father might be destitute, whilst the law compelled him to
render a strict account to them of the administration of their property
during their minority. This fact has given rise to many lawsuits.

A married woman often signs her maiden name, sometimes adding "_de_
----" (her husband's surname). If she survives him, she again takes
up her _nomen ante nuptias_ amongst her old circle of friends,
and only adds "widow of ----" to show who she is to the public (if
she be in trade), or to those who have only known her as a married
woman. The offspring use both the parental surnames, the mother's
coming after the father's; hence it is the more prominent. Frequently,
in Spanish documents requiring the mention of a person's name in full,
the mother's maiden surname is revived.

Thus marriage, as I understand the spirit of the Spanish law, seems
to be a simple contract to legitimize and license procreation.

Up to the year 1844, only a minority of the christian natives had
distinctive family names. They were, before that date, known by certain
harsh ejaculations, and classification of families was uncared for
among the majority of the population. Therefore, in that year, a list
of Spanish surnames was sent to each parish priest, and every native
family had to adopt a separate appellation, which has ever since
been perpetuated. Hence one meets natives bearing illustrious names
such as Juan Salcedo, Juan de Austria, Rianzares, Ramon de Cabrera,
Pio Nono Lopez, and a great many Legaspis.

When a wedding among natives was determined upon, the betrothed went
to the priest--not necessarily together--kissed his hand, and informed
him of their intention. There was a tariff of marriage fees, but the
priest usually set this aside, and fixed his charges according to the
resources of the parties. This abuse of power could hardly be resisted,
as the natives have a radicate aversion to being married elsewhere than
in the village of the bride. The priest, too (not the bride), usually
had the privilege of "naming the day." The fees demanded were sometimes
enormous, the common result being that many couples merely cohabited
under mutual vows because they could not pay the wedding expenses.

The banns were verbally published after the benediction following
the conclusion of t