r was no longer on the bench, James
Tallmadge had run his political course, and Daniel D. Tompkins was in
his grave. Only DeWitt Clinton was left, and on February 11, 1828,
death very suddenly struck him down. Stalwart in form and tremendous
in will power, few dreamed that he had any malady, much less that
death was shadowing him. He was in his fifty-ninth year.

Of DeWitt Clinton it may fairly be said that "his mourners were two
hosts--his friends and his foes." Everywhere, regardless of party,
marks of the highest respect and deepest grief were evinced. The
Legislature voted ten thousand dollars to his four minor children, an
amount equal to the salary of a canal commissioner during the time he
had served without pay. Indeed, nothing was left undone or unsaid
which would evidence veneration for his memory and sorrow for his
loss. He had lived to complete his work and to enjoy the reward of a
great achievement. Usually benefactors of the people are not so
fortunate; their halo, if it comes at all, generally forms long after
death. But Clinton seemed to be the creature of timely political
accidents. The presentation of his canal scheme had made him governor
on July 1, 1817; and he represented the State when ground was broken
at Rome on July 4; his removal as canal commissioner made him governor
again in 1825; and he represented the State at the completion of the
work. On both occasions, he received the homage of the entire people,
not only as champion of the canal, but as the head of the Commonwealth
for which he had done so much.

There were those who thought the time of his death fortunate for his
fame, since former opponents were softened and former friends had not
fallen away. An impression also obtained that little was left him
politically to live for. New conditions and new men were springing up.
As a strict constructionist of the Federal Constitution, with a
leaning toward states' rights, he could not have followed Clintonians
into the Whig party soon to be formed, nor would he have been at home
among the leaders of the Jackson or new Democratic party, who were
unlikely to have any use for him. He would not be second to Van Buren,
and Van Buren would not suffer him to interfere with the promotion of
his own career. It is possible Van Buren might have supported him for
governor in 1828, but he would have had no hesitation in playing his
own part regardless of him. Had Clinton insisted, so much the worse
for Clin