all naturally into the habit of
telling him all your weaknesses, and giving him unintentionally your
whole confidence. He is undoubtedly very ambitious; though he
protests, and doubtless half the time believes, that dyspepsia has
humbled all his ambition, and broken the vaultings of his spirit. I
doubt not that, dyspepsia taken into the account, he will be one of
the great men of the nation."]

It must be admitted that many reasons existed well calculated to
influence Tracy's action. William Wirt had carried only Vermont, and
Henry Clay had received but forty-nine out of two hundred and
sixty-five electoral votes. Anti-Masonry had plainly run its course.
It aroused a strong public sentiment against secret societies, until
most of the lodges in western New York had surrendered their charters;
but it signally failed to perpetuate its hold upon the masses. The
surrendered charters were soon reissued, and the institution itself
became more popular and attractive than ever. These disheartening
conditions were re-emphasised in the election of 1833. The county of
Washington, before an anti-masonic stronghold, returned a Jackson
assemblyman; and the sixth district, which had elected an anti-masonic
senator in 1829, now gave a Van Buren member over seven thousand
majority. But the most surprising change occurred in the eighth, or
"infected district." Three years before it had given Granger thirteen
thousand majority; now it returned Tracy to the Senate by less than
two hundred. For a long time his election was in doubt. Of the one
hundred and twenty-eight assemblymen, one hundred and four belonged to
the Jackson party, and of the eight senators elected Tracy alone
represented the opposition.

It was certainly not an encouraging outlook, and the leaders, after
full consultation, virtually declared the anti-masonic party
dissolved. But this did not, however, mean an abandonment of the
field. It was impossible for men who believed in internal
improvements, in the protection of American industries, and in the
United States Bank, to surrender to a party controlled by the Albany
Regency, which was rapidly drifting into hostility to these great
principles and into the acceptance of dangerous state rights'
doctrines. In giving up anti-Masonry, therefore, Weed, Seward,
Granger, Whittlesey, Fillmore, John C. Spencer, and other leaders,
simply intended to let go one name and reorganise under another.
Several Anti-Masons, following the l