en 'is the prince of villains.' The first impression produced is
one of astonishment that a man capable of such great things could ever
have taken such a lively interest, as he seemed to, in the mere
scullionery of politics."--John Bigelow, in _Harper's Magazine_,
March, 1875.]

Though Clinton and Jackson had long been admirers, there is no
evidence that, at this time, so much as a letter had passed between
them. One can easily understand, however, that a man of the iron will
and great achievement of the Tennesseean would profoundly interest
DeWitt Clinton. On the other hand, the proud, aspiring, unpliant man
whose canal policy brought national renown, had won the admiration of
Andrew Jackson. In 1818, at a Nashville banquet, he had toasted
Clinton, declaring him "the promoter of his country's best interests;"
and one year later, at a dinner given in his honour by the mayor of
New York, Jackson confounded most of the Bucktail banqueters and
surprised them all by proposing "DeWitt Clinton, the enlightened
statesman and governor of the great and patriotic State of New York."
The two men had many characteristics in common. Neither would stoop to
conquer. But the dramatic thing about Clinton's interest just now, was
his proclamation for Jackson, when everybody else in New York was for
some other candidate. The bitterness of that hour was very earnest.
Whatever chance existed for Jackson outside of the State, there was
not the slightest hope for him within it. Nevertheless, Clinton seemed
indifferent. He was a statesman without being a politician. He
believed in Jackson's star, and it was this prescience, as the sequel
showed, that was to give him, in spite of opponents, a sixth term as
governor.

Clinton's resume of the political situation, written to Post, also
showed his unfailing knowledge of the conditions about to be enacted
at Albany. The Legislature which assembled in extra session, in
November, 1824, for the appointment of presidential electors, was the
same Assembly that had favoured the choice of electors by the people,
and the same Senate which had indefinitely postponed that measure by a
vote of seventeen to fourteen. The former struggle, therefore, was
immediately renewed in the legislative halls, with Martin Van Buren
confident of seventeen Crawford votes in the Senate, and enough more
in the Assembly, with the help of the Clay men, to give the Georgian a
majority on joint ballot.

The Adams men had less c