he time,
and which it could not reach until too late. Indispensable as a
navy is to this country, it cannot act any very important part in
the defense of so extended a sea-coast unless it is many times more
powerful than any fleet which an enemy may send to attack us. The
enemy being free to choose his point of attack, we would required
at or near every one of the exposed points a fleet at least as
large as his, or in the aggregate at least five times as large.
No one, it is presumed, contemplates the creation of any such navy
as that in this country.

Indeed, it would be the height of folly to require the navy to take
part in the defense. In a country having the situation of the
United States, the navy is the _aggressive_ arm of the national
military power. Its function is to punish an enemy until he is
willing to submit to the national demands. For this purpose entire
freedom of action is essential; also secure depots where supplies
may be drawn and where necessary repairs may be made, and harbors
where cruisers or other vessels may seek safety if temporarily
overpowered. Hence arises one of the most important functions of
the land defense: To give the aggressive arm secure bases of
operation at all the great seaports where navy-yards or depots are
located. It may be that in special cases military forces may be
needed to act in support of naval operations, or to hold for a time
important points in a foreign country; but such service must be
only auxiliary, not a primary object. Foreign conquest and permanent
occupation are not a part of the policy of this country. There is
no division of opinion among standard naval and military authorities
on this great subject; such standard authors as Rear-Admiral Walker
and Captain Mahan have clearly set forth the relative functions of
the army and navy in enforcing the military policy of the United
States. The military problem which this country must solve is to
provide such means of aggressive and defensive action as to be able
to enforce a due observance of American public law on this continent,
and, while doing this, to defend itself against insult and spoilation.
The land defenses, including torpedoes and in a few cases floating
batteries, should be entirely independent of the active navy, so
that the latter may be free to act in one compact mass against any
enemy which may anywhere oppose it.

There will be another important necessity for very large forces of