a distinct social gain, and warrants the hope
that a time may come when this consciousness of mutual interests may
extend until it includes the employing class as in the old-time guild.

The modern labor-union is a product of the nineteenth century. Until
1850 there was much experimenting, and a revolutionary sentiment was
prevalent both in America and abroad. The first union movement united
all classes of wage-earners in a nation-wide reform, and aimed at
social gains, such as education as well as economic gains. It hoped
much from political activity, spoke often of social ideals, and did
not disdain to co-operate with any good agency, even a friendly
employer. Class feeling was less keen than later. But it became
apparent that the lines of organization were too loose, that specific
economic reforms must be secured rather than a whole social programme,
and that little could probably be expected from political activity.
Labor began to organize on a basis of trades, class feeling grew
stronger, and trials of strength with employers showed the value of
collective bargaining and fixed agreements. Out of the period grew the
American Federation of Labor. More recently has come the industrial
union, which includes all ranks of labor, like the early labor-union,
and is especially beneficial to the unskilled. It is much more radical
in its methods of operation, and is represented by such notorious
organizations as the United Mine Workers and the International Workers
of the World.

199. =Strikes.=--The principle of organization of the trade-union is
democratic. The unit of organization is the local group of workers
which is represented on the national governing bodies; in matters of
important legislation, a referendum is allowed. Necessarily, executive
power is strongly centralized, for the labor-union is a militant
organization, but much is left to the local union. Though peaceful
methods are employed when possible, warlike operations are frequent.
The favorite weapon is the strike, or refusal to work, and this is
often so disastrous to the employer that it results in the speedy
granting of the laborers' demands. It requires good judgment on the
part of the representatives of labor when to strike and how to conduct
the campaign to a successful conclusion, but statistics compiled by
the National Labor Bureau between 1881 and 1905 indicate that a
majority of strikes ordered by authority of the organization were at
least parti