dinburgh of a treasonable plot to set the
city on fire, sack the banks, and attack the castle. Before he went to
execution he confessed his guilt.[334]

This was the only conviction obtained by Government. The trial of Horne
Tooke ran a course unfavourable to Ministers, the evidence for the
prosecution being flimsy in the extreme. Pitt himself was called to the
witness-box, and when closely cross-questioned by Erskine as to his
former connection with the Reform cause, admitted that he was present at
a meeting at the Duke of Richmond's residence, at which delegates from
county Reform Associations were present. The admission exposed him to
the charge of inconsistency in the eyes of those who looked only at the
surface of things. In reality, those who met at the Duke of Richmond's
house had nothing in common with the democratic clubs which proposed to
override the will of Parliament by a National Convention. Yet, as the
superficial view gains a ready assent, the fame of Pitt now underwent
an eclipse. Never again did he hear the whole-hearted acclaim which
greeted him in the years 1784-90. The roar of delight which went up at
the news of the acquittal of Horne Tooke was a sign of the advent of a
new era, in whose aspirations Pitt had no part.

The prosecutions against Bonney, Joyce, Kyd, and Holcroft were now
dropped. The charge against Thelwall was pressed home, but resulted in
another defeat for Government. Thus, except in the case of Watt, no
proof was forthcoming of treasonable designs, though the apprehension of
Davison of Sheffield might perhaps have led to discoveries of that
nature. In the main, then, Pitt and his colleagues failed to justify the
harsh measure of suspending the Habeas Corpus Act; and the failure of
the State prosecutions led to a marked increase of the membership and
activity of the London Corresponding Society, with results which will
appear later.

Nevertheless, Pitt's conduct is far from indefensible with regard to the
main point at issue, the meeting of a National Convention. In view of
the projects of some of the wilder spirits at London, Sheffield,
Norwich, and Edinburgh, it is presumptuous to charge him with
causelessly seeking to bring about a "Reign of Terror." He was face to
face with developments which might easily have become dangerous; and,
with the example of Paris before him, he not unnaturally took what he
thought to be the safer course, that of stopping them at the outset.
Indeed