d that holds no place for the selfish policy of exploiting
backward peoples. We no longer consider the advance of alien peoples
in wealth and prosperity as a menace to our own. There is being
developed a strong international public opinion which realizes that
anything that destroys the well-being of one member is the concern of
all.
In the light of these facts, future world-politics can have no place
for the settlement of disputes by force. A declaration of war by one
of the large powers to-day would be more terrible than it has ever
been in the past. The man of business, of education, of philanthropy,
of civic advancement cannot reasonably advocate a policy that would
ruin business, stagnate education, increase poverty, and turn progress
over to the ravages of manslaughter. Industry cannot continue when the
shoulder that should turn the wheels of industry grows weary beneath
the weight of the musket. Education cannot proceed when libraries and
lecture halls are deserted for the camp and fortress. A Tolstoy with
all his power of vivid presentation does not overdraw the picture. The
moral fiber and physical strength of a people must forever afterward
bear their scars. A struggling people can never rid themselves of the
evil effects of the conflict, although they may rejoice in the valor
of their heroes. Nations cannot afford to become the theaters of
carnage and bloodshed and the rendezvous of commercial and moral
pirates and civic grafters.
Why, then, do nations throw away their strength in the building and
equipping of armies and navies? The advocates of militarism tell us
that we need a navy to protect our commerce. Possibly it is true that
under the present system of international law this is somewhat
excusable; for although private property on land is exempt from
confiscation and the old forms of privateering have long ago been
abolished by an agreement of the powers, yet the policy does not apply
to maritime warfare. Enemy's goods in enemy's ships are still subject
to seizure. But while this argument does hold for the present, the
condition could easily be remedied. Because a man with foreign capital
operates ships instead of factories, why is there any special reason
for exposing his property to depredation? In the light of common sense
such a policy seems absurd. And it should be one of the first aims of
our diplomats to eliminate all possibility of this licensed robbery,
for as long as it exists there will a
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