ance of his political mind.

Court influence was strengthened in those days by the large number of
newly-rich men, who bought their way into the House of Commons for
personal reasons and could easily be attached to the King's party. In a
population of 8,000,000 there were then but 160,000 electors, mostly
nominal. The great land-owners generally held the counties. When two
great houses disputed the county of York, the election lasted fourteen
days, and the costs, chiefly in bribery, were said to have reached three
hundred thousand pounds. Many seats in Parliament were regarded as
hereditary possessions, which could be let at rental, or to which the
nominations could be sold. Town corporations often let, to the highest
bidders, seats in Parliament, for the benefit of the town funds. The
election of John Wilkes for Middlesex, in 1768, was taken as a triumph of
the people. The King and his ministers then brought the House of Commons
into conflict with the freeholders of Westminster. Discontent became
active and general. "Junius" began, in his letters, to attack boldly the
King's friends, and into the midst of the discontent was thrown a message
from the Crown asking for half a million, to make good a shortcoming in
the Civil List. Men asked in vain what had been done with the lost
money. Confusion at home was increased by the great conflict with the
American colonies; discontents, ever present, were colonial as well as
home. In such a time Burke endeavoured to show by what pilotage he would
have men weather the storm.

H. M.

THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS

It is an undertaking of some degree of delicacy to examine into the cause
of public disorders. If a man happens not to succeed in such an inquiry,
he will be thought weak and visionary; if he touches the true grievance,
there is a danger that he may come near to persons of weight and
consequence, who will rather be exasperated at the discovery of their
errors than thankful for the occasion of correcting them. If he should
be obliged to blame the favourites of the people, he will be considered
as the tool of power; if he censures those in power, he will be looked on
as an instrument of faction. But in all exertions of duty something is
to be hazarded. In cases of tumult and disorder, our law has invested
every man, in some sort, with the authority of a magistrate. When the
affairs of the nation are distracted, private people are, by the s