nce the Revolution. Fourth in descent,
and third in succession of his Royal family, even the zealots of
hereditary right, in him, saw something to flatter their favourite
prejudices; and to justify a transfer of their attachments, without a
change in their principles. The person and cause of the Pretender were
become contemptible; his title disowned throughout Europe, his party
disbanded in England. His Majesty came indeed to the inheritance of a
mighty war; but, victorious in every part of the globe, peace was always
in his power, not to negotiate, but to dictate. No foreign habitudes or
attachments withdrew him from the cultivation of his power at home. His
revenue for the Civil establishment, fixed (as it was then thought) at a
large, but definite sum, was ample, without being invidious; his
influence, by additions from conquest, by an augmentation of debt, by an
increase of military and naval establishment, much strengthened and
extended. And coming to the throne in the prime and full vigour of
youth, as from affection there was a strong dislike, so from dread there
seemed to be a general averseness from giving anything like offence to a
monarch against whose resentment opposition could not look for a refuge
in any sort of reversionary hope.

These singular advantages inspired his Majesty only with a more ardent
desire to preserve unimpaired the spirit of that national freedom to
which he owed a situation so full of glory. But to others it suggested
sentiments of a very different nature. They thought they now beheld an
opportunity (by a certain sort of statesman never long undiscovered or
unemployed) of drawing to themselves, by the aggrandisement of a Court
faction, a degree of power which they could never hope to derive from
natural influence or from honourable service; and which it was impossible
they could hold with the least security, whilst the system of
Administration rested upon its former bottom. In order to facilitate the
execution of their design, it was necessary to make many alterations in
political arrangement, and a signal change in the opinions, habits, and
connections of the greater part of those who at that time acted in
public.

In the first place, they proceeded gradually, but not slowly, to destroy
everything of strength which did not derive its principal nourishment
from the immediate pleasure of the Court. The greatest weight of popular
opinion and party connection were then with th