sequences which have followed from this are very evident, and the
great advantages which would have resulted from rendering every
appointment final and conclusive are equally evident. But those, who,
on such ground, build a censure against Congress, ought to consider,
that they could not act otherwise, before the confederation was
completed.

The changes which have already happened in the affairs of the several
States at the different periods of the war are so great, that any
apportionment formerly made, however equitable then, would be
inequitable now. To determine the quota, therefore, from the present
situation, or from any particular moment of the past, must be equally
improper. But the quotas must be determined at some period or other.
If we suppose it already done, we shall clearly see how many
inconveniences would have been avoided, and how many advantages
gained. True it is, that let this final adjustment of the quota take
place when it will, difficulties will arise by reason of those changes
in the circumstances of the several States, which have been already
mentioned. But those difficulties will be daily increased, and become
at length insurmountable. If a final determination of past quotas were
made now, it must be arbitrary in some degree; but if we carry our
ideas forward to the end of several years, it must be still more
arbitrary. To attempt a settlement of accounts subject to after
revision, and after determination, is still worse; for it is liable to
every objection, which lies against leaving them unsettled, to every
difficulty, which could attend the final settlement, and has the
additional evil, that by placing the several precise balances
immediately before the eyes of Congress, they could take no step,
which would not be charged with partiality. I will dwell no longer on
this subject, for I trust the United States in Congress will agree
with me in one leading position, that after taking a general view of
the past, from the commencement of the war to the present moment, a
certain rate or quota should be established for each State of the
whole expense now incurred, excepting the public debt of the United
States. I will presently assign the reasons for this exception; but
that general position which I have advanced is the corner stone;
without it nothing can be done, at least such is my conviction. Hence
we have the irresistible conclusions,

1st. That while a demand of Congress is the mere request