rmans,
radicals and conservatives, issued on the 12th of June in a rising of the
Czech students and populace. The suppression of this rising, and with it of
the revolution in Bohemia, on the 16th of June, by Prince Windischgraetz,
was not only the first victory of the army, but was the signal for the
outbreak of a universal race war, in which the idea of constitutional
liberty was sacrificed to the bitter spirit of national rivalry. The
parliament at Frankfort hailed Windischgraetz as a national hero, and
offered to send troops to his aid; the German revolutionists in Vienna
welcomed every success of Radetzky's arms in Italy as a victory for
Germanism. The natural result was to drive the Slav nationalities to the
side of the imperial government, since, whether at Vienna or at Budapest,
the radicals were their worst enemies.

The 16th of June had been fatal to the idea of an independent Bohemia,
fatal also to Pan-Slav dreams. To the Czechs the most immediate peril now
seemed that from the German parliament, and in the interests of their
nationality they were willing to join the Austrian government in the
struggle against German liberalism. The Bohemian diet, summoned for the
19th, never met. Writs were issued in Bohemia for the election to the
Austrian Reichsrath; and when, on the 10th of July, this assembled, the
Slav deputies were found to be in a majority. This fact, which was to lead
to violent trouble later, was at first subordinate to other issues, of
which the most important was the question of the emancipation of the
peasants. After long debates the law abolishing feudal services--the sole
permanent outcome of the revolution--was carried on the 31st of August, and
on the 7th of September received the imperial consent. The peasants thus
received all that they desired, and their vast weight was henceforth thrown
into the scale of the government against the revolution.

[Sidenote: Jellachich and "Illyrism."]

Meanwhile the alliance between the Slav nationalities and the conservative
elements within the empire had found a powerful representative in
Jellachich, the ban of Croatia. At first, indeed, his activity had been
looked at askance at Innsbruck, as but another force making for
disintegration. He had apparently identified himself with the "Illyrian"
party, had broken off all communications with the Hungarian government,
and, in spite of an imperial edict issued in response to the urgency of
Batthyani, had summo