reement with the territories; the former
maintained that the constitution of 1861 was still valid, and demanded that
in accordance with it the Reichsrath should be summoned and a
"constitutional" government restored. The difference between the two
parties was to a great extent, though not entirely, one of race. The kernel
of the empire was the purely German district, including Upper and Lower
Austria, Salzburg, Tirol (except the south) and Vorarlberg, all Styria
except the southern districts, and a large part of Carinthia. There was
strong local feeling, especially in Tirol, but it was local feeling similar
to that which formerly existed in the provinces of France; among all
classes and parties there was great, loyalty both to the ruling house and
to the idea of the Austrian state; but while the Liberal party, which was
dominant in Lower Austria and Styria, desired to develop the central
institutions, there was a strong Conservative and Clerical party which
supported local institutions as a protection against the Liberal influence
of a centralized parliament and bureaucracy, and the bishops and clergy
were willing to gain support in the struggle by alliance with the
Federalists.

[Sidenote: The Slavonic Lands.]

Very different was it in the other territories where the majority of the
population was not German--and where there was a lively recollection of the
time when they were not Austrian. With Palacky, they said, "We existed
before Austria; we shall continue to exist after it is gone." Especially
was this the case in Bohemia. In this great country, the richest part of
the Austrian dominions, where over three-fifths of the population were
Czech, racial feeling was supported by the appeal to historic law. A great
party, led by Palacky and Rieger, demanded the restoration of the Bohemian
monarchy in its fullest extent, including Moravia and Silesia, and insisted
that the emperor should be crowned as king of Bohemia at Prague as his
predecessors had been, and that Bohemia should have a position in the
monarchy similar to that obtained by Hungary. Not only did the party
include all the Czechs, but they were supported by many of the great nobles
who were of German descent, including Count Leo Thun, his brother-in-law
Count Heinrich Clam-Martinitz, and Prince Friedrich von Schwarzenberg,
cardinal archbishop of Prague, who hoped in a self-governing kingdom of
Bohemia to preserve that power which was threatened by the German