emancipation when the Duke of Wellington stoutly opposed it, and his
brother's conversion on that question had not affected his own relations
with the whig party, which now welcomed him as lord steward. Lord John
Russell, the new paymaster of the forces, had identified himself as
prominently as Grey himself with the promotion of parliamentary reform,
and Stanley, the new chief secretary for Ireland, was probably selected
for his brilliant powers in debate, as the natural and most worthy
antagonist of the great demagogue, O'Connell.

[Pageheading: _BROUGHAM BECOMES CHANCELLOR._]

But the most formidable of all the "radical reformers" still remained to
be conciliated, and provided with a post which might satisfy his
restless ambition. At the end of 1830 Brougham was in the plenitude of
his marvellous powers, and in the zenith of his unique popularity. As
member for the great county of York, returned free of expense on the
shoulders of the people, he already occupied the foremost position among
British commoners, and it was feared that he might use it for his own
purposes in a dictatorial spirit. He had recently declared in Yorkshire
that "nothing on earth should ever tempt him to accept place," and that
he was conscious of the power to compel the execution of measures which,
before that democratic election, he could only "ventilate". So late as
November 16, he assured the house of commons that "no change in the
administration could by any possibility affect him," adding that he
would bring forward his motion for parliamentary reform on the 25th,
whatever might then be the state of affairs, and whatever ministers
should then be in office. The great whig peers were most anxious to
keep him out of the cabinet without losing his support, or, still worse,
provoking his active hostility. With this view, Grey indiscreetly
offered him the attorney-generalship, and we cannot be surprised that
Brougham rejected the offer with some indignation and disdain. It was no
secret that his supreme desire was to become master of the rolls--an
office compatible with a seat in the house of commons--but his future
colleagues well knew that, in that case, they would be at his mercy in
the house. Thereupon it was suggested, probably by the king himself,
that it might be the less of two dangers to entrust him with the great
seal, which Lord Lyndhurst was quite prepared to resume under a fourth
premier. Accordingly, it was known on November 20 th