, and the opposition was fain to rely mainly on the declaration
that it would be put in force against catholic associations only, and
not against those of the Orangemen, as the more violent of the Irish
protestants were called. It is needless to say that it was evaded by the
former, but on March 1, while it was still before the house of lords,
Burdett took courage to move another preliminary resolution in favour of
the catholics, and obtained a majority of thirteen. A bill founded on
this resolution was at once introduced.
The debates on this bill were memorable in several respects and opened
the last stage but one in the long history of catholic relief. In the
first place, more than one opponent publicly avowed his conversion to
it; in the second place, now that its "settlement" was actually within
view, the necessity of providing a counterpoise became admitted.
Accordingly, one independent member proposed a state grant of L250,000 a
year for the endowment of the catholic clergy, who might thus be
indirectly bound over to good behaviour, while another proposed the
disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders. Both of these bills were read
a second time, but held over until the fate of the main relief bill
should be determined. That bill passed the house of commons on May 10,
1825, by a majority of twenty-one, and Peel tendered his resignation to
Lord Liverpool.[86] Two days later, the Duke of York, on presenting a
petition against the bill in the house of lords, delivered another
speech which fell like a thunder-clap on the country, and has been
celebrated ever since as an audacious breach of constitutional usage. In
this speech, he justified the inflexible attitude of his father, whose
mental disorder he expressly attributed to the agitation of the catholic
question. He concluded by declaring that his principles were the same,
imbibed in early youth and confirmed by mature reflection, and that he
would maintain them up to the latest moment of his existence, "whatever
might be his situation in life". It is certain that, in thus pledging
himself, he acted without having consulted the king, who somewhat
resented so direct an allusion to his prospect of succession. Still, the
sensation produced by the duke's utterance was prodigious, and he
remained the favourite champion of the protestant cause until his death.
Brougham attacked him with furious sarcasm in the commons, but the lords
threw out Burdett's relief bill by a major
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