rvent hope that from out of the awful trials of the last
four years, of which the least is not this violent demise, the
various populations of North America may issue elevated and
chastened, rich with the accumulated wisdom and strong in the
disciplined energy which a young nation can only acquire in a
protracted and perilous struggle. Then they will be enabled not
merely to renew their career of power and prosperity, but they will
renew it to contribute to the general happiness of mankind. It is
with these feelings that I second the address to the crown.

AGAINST DEMOCRACY FOR ENGLAND (Delivered in 1865)

Sir, I could have wished, and once I almost believed, that it was
not necessary for me to take part in this debate. I look on this
discussion as the natural epilogue of the Parliament of 1859; we
remember the prologue. I consider this to be a controversy between
the educated section of the Liberal party and that section of the
Liberal party, according to their companions and colleagues, not
entitled to an epithet so euphuistic and complimentary. But after
the speech of the minister, I hardly think it would become me,
representing the opinions of the gentlemen with whom I am acting on
this side of the house, entirely to be silent. We have a measure
before us to-night which is to increase the franchise in boroughs.
Without reference to any other circumstances I object to that measure.
I object to it because an increase of the franchise in boroughs is a
proposal to redistribute political power in the country. I do not
think political power in the country ought to be treated partially;
from the very nature of things it is impossible, if there is to be a
redistribution of political power, that you can only regard the
suffrage as it affects one section of the constituent body.
Whatever the proposition of the honorable gentleman, whether
abstractedly it may be expedient or not, this is quite clear, that
it must be considered not only in relation to the particular persons
with whom it will deal, but to other persons with whom it does not
deal, though it would affect them. And therefore it has always been
quite clear that if you deal with the subject popularly called
Parliamentary Reform, you must deal with it comprehensively. The
arrangements you may make with reference to one part of the
community may not be objectionable in themselves, but may be
extremely objectionable if you consider them with reference to othe