was going on at
New York just as well as what was going on in the city of Dublin.
When the Fenian conspiracy had been entirely put down, it became
necessary to consider the policy which it was expedient to pursue in
Ireland; and it seemed to us at that time that what Ireland required
after all the excitement which it had experienced was a policy which
should largely develop its material resources. There were one or two
subjects of a different character, which, for the advantage of the
State, it would have been desirable to have settled, if that could
have been effected with a general concurrence of both the great
parties in that country. Had we remained in office, that would have
been done. But we were destined to quit it, and we quitted it
without a murmur. The policy of our successors was different. Their
specific was to despoil churches and plunder landlords, and what has
been the result? Sedition rampant, treason thinly veiled, and
whenever a vacancy occurs in the representation a candidate is
returned pledged to the disruption of the realm. Her Majesty's new
ministers proceeded in their career like a body of men under the
influence of some delirious drug. Not satiated with the spoliation
and anarchy of Ireland, they began to attack every institution and
every interest, every class and calling in the country. It is
curious to observe their course. They took into hand the army. What
have they done? I will not comment on what they have done. I will
historically state it, and leave you to draw the inference. So long
as constitutional England has existed there has been a jealousy
among all classes against the existence of a standing army. As our
empire expanded, and the existence of a large body of disciplined
troops became a necessity, every precaution was taken to prevent the
danger to our liberties which a standing army involved.
It was a first principle not to concentrate in the island any
overwhelming number of troops, and a considerable portion was
distributed in the colonies. Care was taken that the troops
generally should be officered by a class of men deeply interested in
the property and the liberties of England. So extreme was the
jealousy that the relations between that once constitutional force,
the militia, and the sovereign were rigidly guarded, and it was
carefully placed under local influences. All this is changed. We
have a standing army of large amount, quartered and brigaded an
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