ing candidate for office, for let me remind
the house that at that moment there was an adverse majority of 140
in the House of Commons, and I therefore do not think that Lord
Derby was open to any imputation in hesitating to accept political
responsibility under such circumstances. Lord Derby laid these
considerations before her Majesty. I speak, of course, with
reserve. I say nothing now which I have not said before on the
discussion of political subjects in this house. But when a
government comes in on Reform and remains in power six years without
passing any measure of the kind, it is possible that these
circumstances, too, may be lost sight of. Lord Derby advised her
Majesty not to form a government under his influence, because there
existed so large a majority against him in the House of Commons, and
because this question of Reform was placed in such a position that
it was impossible to deal with it as he should wish. But it should
be remembered that Lord Derby was a member of the famous Cabinet
which carried the Reform Bill in 1832. Lord Derby, as Lord Stanley,
was in the House of Commons one of the most efficient promoters of
the measure. Lord Derby believed that the bill had tended to effect
the purpose for which it was designed, and although no man superior
to prejudices could fail to see that some who were entitled to the
exercise of the franchise were still debarred from the privilege,
yet he could not also fail to perceive the danger which would arise
from our tampering with the franchise. On these grounds Lord Derby
declined the honor which her Majesty desired to confer upon him, but
the appeal was repeated. Under these circumstances it would have
been impossible for any English statesman longer to hesitate; but I
am bound to say that there was no other contract or understanding
further than that which prevails among men, however different their
politics, who love their country and wish to maintain its greatness.
I am bound to add that there was an understanding at the time
existing among men of weight on both sides of the house that the
position in which the Reform question was placed was one
embarrassing to the crown and not creditable to the house, and that
any minister trying his best to deal with it under these
circumstances would receive the candid consideration of the house.
It was thought, moreover, that a time might possibly arrive when
both parties would unite in endeavoring to bring abou