her way
it insured the revival of the question, by the general spirit of inquiry
which it awakened among the population at large, and which soon went
beyond the investigation of any single abuse or anomaly. For even less
far-sighted statesmen than Pitt confessed the existence of much that was
not only theoretically indefensible, but practically mischievous. The
period, little short of a century, which elapsed between the death of
William III. and Pitt's accession to office had been one of almost
complete stagnation and apathy. The Scotch Union, the Septennial Bill,
the establishment of a militia, and the Place Bill of 1743 were the only
instances of any legislation deserving the name of constitutional which
made the reigns of Anne and the first two Georges memorable. And in the
very nature of things it was impossible that, after so long a slumber,
there should not be much to do, and many, whether capable or incapable,
eager to bear a share in the work. The sudden cessation of the
excitement of war had begotten a restless craving for some other
excitement to take its place, and none seemed so creditable as energy
and acuteness in the discovery and removal of abuses. Complaints were
made, and not without reason, of the working of the poor-law; of the
terrible severity of our criminal code; of the hardships and sufferings
of the younger members of the working classes, especially in the
factories; of the ignorance of a large portion of the people, in itself
as prolific a cause of mischief and crime as any other. But, though
committees and commissions were appointed by Parliament to investigate
the condition of the kingdom in respect of these matters, a feeling was
growing up that no effectual remedy would be applied till the
constitution of the House of Commons itself were reformed, so as to make
it a more real representation of the people than it could as yet be
considered. And a farther stimulus to this wish for such a Parliamentary
reform was supplied by the distress which a combination of circumstances
spread among almost all classes in the years immediately following the
conclusion of the second treaty of peace.[178] The harvests of the years
1816 and 1817 were unusually deficient, and this pressed heavily on the
farmers and landed proprietors. The merchants and manufacturers, who,
while every part of the Continent was disturbed or threatened by the
operations of contending armies, had practically enjoyed almost a
monop