edged about by
human laws, that in every one of the states cruelty to the slave was
punished as an offence against the state; the killing of a slave was
punished every where with death; while in all ages, and nearly in all
countries where slavery has existed besides, the master was not only
the exclusive judge of the treatment of his slave, but the absolute
disposer of his life, which he could take away at will; these
statements can proceed only from unpardonable ignorance, or a purpose
to mislead. As to the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia, there might, at first sight, appear to be some grounds of
accusation; but yet, when the subject was considered in all its
bearings, so many pregnant, if not conclusive, reasons presented
themselves against interference, that though much attention had been
bestowed upon it for many years, the result had been that nothing was
done. It was to be recollected that the whole District of Columbia was
only ten miles square; and that it was surrounded by states in which
slavery was still legalized. It was thus clear, that though slavery
were abolished in Columbia, not an individual of the six thousand
slaves now within its bounds, would necessarily be relieved of his
fetters. Were an abolition bill to pass the House of Representatives
to-day, the whole six thousand could be removed to a neighboring slave
state before it could be taken up in the Senate to-morrow. It was,
therefore, worse than idle to say so much on what could never be a
practical question. Again; the District of Columbia had been ceded to
the General Government by Maryland and Virginia, both slaveholding
states, for national purposes; but this would never have been done had
it been contemplated that Congress would abolish slavery within its
bounds, and thus establish a nucleus of anti-slavery agitation in the
heart of their territory. The exercise of such a power, therefore, on
the part of Congress, could be viewed in no other light than as a
gross fraud on those two states. It should never be forgotten that
slavery can be abolished in any part of America only by the persuasive
power of truth voluntarily submitted to the slaveholders themselves.
And though much is said in that country, and still more here, about
the criminality of the Northern States in not declaring that they
would not aid in the suppression of a servile war--such declamation is
worse than idle. But there is a frightful meaning in this unmeasu