n._)

EDWARD RUTLEDGE. [9]Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Continental
Congress:--Let us pause! This step, once taken, cannot be retraced. This
resolution, once passed, will cut off all hope of reconciliation. If
success attend the arms of England, we shall then be no longer colonies,
with charters, and with privileges. These will all be forfeited by this
act; and we shall be in the condition of other conquered people--at the
mercy of the conquerors. For ourselves, we may be ready to run the
hazard; but are we ready to carry the country to that length? Is success
so probable as to justify it? Where is the military, where the naval
power, by which we are to resist the whole strength of the arm of
England? For she will exert that strength to the utmost. Can we rely on
the constancy and perseverance of the people?--or will they not act as
the people of other countries have acted, and, wearied with a long war,
submit in the end, to a worse oppression? While we stand on our old
ground, and insist on redress of grievances, we know we are right, and
are not answerable for consequences. Nothing, then, can be imputable to
us.

(_At the close of Mr. Rutledge's speech there is a clamor for
recognition. The president recognizes Roger Sherman of
Connecticut._)

ROGER SHERMAN. [10]Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Continental
Congress:--The war must go on. We must fight it through. And if the war
must go on, why put off longer the Declaration of Independence? That
measure will strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. The
nations will then treat with us, which they never can do while we
acknowledge ourselves subjects, in arms against our sovereign. Nay, I
maintain that England herself will sooner treat for peace with us on
the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her acts, to
acknowledge that her whole conduct toward us has been a course of
injustice and oppression. Her pride will be less wounded by submitting
to the course of things which now predestinates our independence, than
by yielding the points in controversy to her rebellious subjects. The
former she will regard as the result of fortune; the latter she would
feel as her own deep disgrace. Why, then, why, then, sir, do we not as
soon as possible change this from a civil to a national war? And since
we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all
the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory?

If we fail, i