e been thrown in our way at every step, why we have
had to wring out truth drop by drop, why His Majesty's name has been
artfully used to prevent us from going into an inquiry which has brought
nothing to light but what is to His Majesty's honour. Can we think it
strange that our difficulties should have been great, when we consider
the power, the dexterity, the experience of him who was secretly
thwarting us? It is time for us to prove signally to the world that it
is impossible for any criminal to double so cunningly that we cannot
track him, or to climb so high that we cannot reach him. Never was there
a more flagitious instance of corruption. Never was there an offender
who had less claim to indulgence. The obligations which the Duke of
Leeds has to his country are of no common kind. One great debt we
generously cancelled; but the manner in which our generosity has been
requited forces us to remember that he was long ago impeached for
receiving money from France. How can we be safe while a man proved to be
venal has access to the royal ear? Our best laid enterprises have been
defeated. Our inmost counsels have been betrayed. And what wonder is
it? Can we doubt that, together with this home trade in charters, a
profitable foreign trade in secrets is carried on? Can we doubt that he
who sells us to one another will, for a good price, sell us all to
the common enemy?" Wharton concluded by moving that Leeds should be
impeached of high crimes and misdemeanours. [582]
Leeds had many friends and dependents in the House of Commons; but they
could say little. Wharton's motion was carried without a division; and
he was ordered to go to the bar of the Lords, and there, in the name
of the Commons of England, to impeach the Duke. But, before this order
could be obeyed, it was announced that His Grace was at the door and
requested an audience.
While Wharton had been making his report to the Commons, Leeds had been
haranguing the Lords. He denied with the most solemn asseverations that
he had taken any money for himself. But he acknowledged, and indeed
almost boasted, that he had abetted Bates in getting money from the
Company, and seemed to think that this was a service which any man
in power might be reasonably expected to render to a friend. Too
many persons, indeed, in that age made a most absurd and pernicious
distinction between a minister who used his influence to obtain presents
for himself and a minister who used his i
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