ith profound respect. About the debates and divisions of the
two Houses a reverential silence is preserved. There is much invective;
but it is almost all directed against the Jacobites and the French. It
seems certain that the government of William gained not a little by the
substitution of these printed newspapers, composed under constant dread
of the Attorney General, for the old newsletters, which were written
with unbounded license. [616]

The pamphleteers were under less restraint than the journalists; yet
no person who has studied with attention the political controversies
of that time can have failed to perceive that the libels on William's
person and government were decidedly less coarse and rancorous during
the latter half of his reign than during the earlier half. And the
reason evidently is that the press, which had been fettered during the
earlier half of his reign, was free during the latter half. While the
censorship existed, no tract blaming, even in the most temperate and
decorous language, the conduct of any public department, was likely to
be printed with the approbation of the licenser. To print such a
tract without the approbation of the licenser was illegal. In general,
therefore, the respectable and moderate opponents of the Court, not
being able to publish in the manner prescribed by law, and not thinking
it right or safe to publish in a manner prohibited by law, held their
peace, and left the business of criticizing the administration to two
classes of men, fanatical nonjurors who sincerely thought that the
Prince of Orange was entitled to as little charity or courtesy as the
Prince of Darkness, and Grub Street hacks, coarseminded, badhearted and
foulmouthed. Thus there was scarcely a single man of judgment, temper
and integrity among the many who were in the habit of writing against
the government. Indeed the habit of writing against the government had,
of itself, an unfavourable effect on the character. For whoever was in
the habit of writing against the government was in the habit of breaking
the law; and the habit of breaking even an unreasonable law tends to
make men altogether lawless. However absurd a tariff may be, a smuggler
is but too likely to be a knave and a ruffian. How ever oppressive a
game law may be, the transition is but too easy from a poacher to a
murderer. And so, though little indeed can be said in favour of the
statutes which imposed restraints on literature, there was much