tion on
political topics Americans (especially American economic thinkers and
sociologists) should find most congenial are those of an advanced
Liberal or Radical--even semi-Republican--complexion. I have chanced to
have the opportunity of seeing how much certain American economists of
the rising school (which has done such admirable work as a whole) have
been influenced by the views of particular Englishmen of this class. I
should like to mention names, but not a few readers will be able to
supply them for themselves. It has not appeared to occur to the American
disciples of these men that the views which they impart on English
political subjects are purely partisan, and generally very extreme,
views. Their opinions of the House of Lords no more represent the
judgment of England on the subject than the opinions of an extreme Free
Trade Democrat represent the views of America on the subject of
Protection.

Merely as a matter of manners and good taste, it would, I think, be well
if Americans endeavoured to arrive at and express a better understanding
of the legislative work of the Lords. Englishmen have not much more
regard for the principle of a quadrennially elected President than
Americans have for an hereditary aristocracy; but they do not habitually
permit that lack of regard to degenerate into the use of contemptuous
language about individual Presidents. Even in contemplating the result
of what seems to them so preposterous a system as that of electing a
judiciary by popular party vote, Englishmen have generally confined
themselves to a complimentary expression of surprise that the results
are not worse than they are. Surely, while being as truculent as they
please in their attitude towards the hereditary principle, it would be
well if Americans would similarly endeavour to dissociate their
detestation of that principle from their feelings for the actual
personnel of the House of Lords. There is a good deal both in the
constitution and work of the House to command the respect even of the
citizens of a republic.

I address this protest directly to American economic and sociological
writers in the hope that, recognising that it comes from one who is not
unsympathetic, some of them may be influenced to speak less heedlessly
on the subject than is their wont. I may add that these remarks are
suggested by certain passages in the recently published book of an
American author for whom, elsewhere in this volume, I expres