he evidence that appears
to me to support such a conclusion, that it was the negative rather than
the positive aspect of his policy that attracted him most. Sumner might
dream of the wondrous future in store for the Negro race--of whose
qualities and needs he knew literally nothing--under Bostonian tutelage.
But I am sure that for Stevens the vision dearest to his heart was
rather that of the proud Southern aristocracy compelled to plead for
mercy on its knees at the tribunal of its hereditary bondsmen.

Stevens was a great party leader. Not such a leader as Jefferson or
Jackson had been: a man who sums up and expresses the will of masses of
men. Nor yet such a leader as later times have accustomed us to; a man
who by bribery or intrigue induces his fellow-professionals to support
him. He was one of those who rule by personal dominance. His courage has
already been remarked; and he knew how much fearlessness can achieve in
a profession where most men are peculiarly cowardly. It was he who
forced the issue between the President and Congress and obtained at a
stroke a sort of captaincy in the struggle by moving in the House of
Representatives that the consideration of Reconstruction by Congress
would precede any consideration of the President's message asking for
the admission of the representatives of the reorganized States.

By a combination of forceful bullying and skilful strategy Stevens
compelled the House of Representatives to accept his leadership in this
matter, but the action of Congress on other questions during these early
months of the contest shows how far it still was from accepting his
policy. The plan of Reconstruction which the majority now favoured is to
be found outlined in the Fourteenth Constitutional Amendment which, at
about this time, it recommended for adoption by the States.

The provisions of this amendment were threefold. One, for which a
precedent had been afforded by the President's own action, declared that
the public debt incurred by the Federal Government should never be
repudiated, and also that no State should pay or accept responsibility
for any debt incurred for the purpose of waging war against the
Federation. Another, probably unwise from the point of view of
far-sighted statesmanship but more or less in line with the President's
policy, provided for the exclusion from office of all who, having sworn
allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, had given aid to a
rebellion