an intense
nationalism of his own that transcends and indeed ignores frontiers, but
to the nationalism of European peoples he is often consciously and
almost always subconsciously hostile. In various ways he tends to act as
a solvent of such nationalism. Cosmopolitan finance is one example of
such a tendency. Another, more morally sympathetic but not much less
dangerous to nationalism in such a country as America, is cosmopolitan
revolutionary idealism. The Socialist and Anarchist movements of
America, divided of course in philosophy, but much more akin in temper
than in European countries, are almost wholly Jewish, both in origin and
leadership. For this reason, since America's entrance into the Great
War, these parties, in contrast to most of the European Socialist
parties, have shown themselves violently anti-national and what we now
call "Bolshevist."

But organized Socialism is, in America, almost a negligible force; not
so organized labour. In no country has the Trade Union movement
exercised more power, and in no country has it fought with bolder
weapons. In the early struggles between the organized workers and the
great capitalists, violence and even murder was freely resorted to on
both sides, for if the word must be applied to the vengeance often
wreaked by the Labour Unions on servants of the employer and on traitors
to the organization, the same word must be used with a severer moral
implication of the shooting down of workmen at the orders of men like
Carnegie, not even by the authorized police force or militia of the
State, but by privately hired assassinators such as the notorious
Pinkerton used to supply.

The labour movement in America is not generally Collectivist.
Collectivism is alien to the American temper and ideal, which looks
rather to a community of free men controlling, through personal
ownership, their own industry. The demand of American labour has been
rather for the sharp and efficient punishment of such crimes against
property as are involved in conspiracies to create a monopoly in some
product and the use of great wealth to "squeeze out" the small
competitor. Such demands found emphatic expression in the appearance in
the 'nineties of a new party calling itself "Populist" and formed by a
combination between the organized workmen and the farmers of the West,
who felt themselves more and more throttled by the tentacles of the new
commercial monopolies which were becoming known by the name