e there any normal political life in Ireland and a
central organ of public opinion. As long as Great Britain insists, to
her own infinite inconvenience, upon deciding Irish questions by party
majorities fluctuating from Toryism to Radicalism, and thereby compels
Ireland to send parties to Westminster whose _raison d'etre_ is, not to
represent crystallized Irish opinion on Irish domestic questions--that
is at present wholly impossible--but to assert or deny the fundamental
right for Ireland to settle her own domestic questions, so long will
these dislocations continue, to the grave prejudice of Ireland and the
deep discredit of Great Britain. Ireland, like Canada in 1838, has no
organic national life. Apart from the abstract but paramount question of
Home Rule, there are no formed political principles or parties. Such
parties as there are have no relation to the economic life of the
country, and all interests suffer daily in consequence. In a normal
country you would find urban and agricultural interests distinctly
represented, but not in Ireland. We should expect to rind clear-cut
opinions on Tariff Reform and Free Trade. No such opinions exist. On the
other hand, agreement on important industrial and agricultural questions
finds not the smallest reflection in Parliamentary representation.
Education, and other latent issues of burning importance, are not
political issues. A Budget may cause almost universal dissatisfaction,
but it goes through, and the amazing thing is that Unionists complain of
its going through! Most of the Parliamentary elections are uncontested,
though everybody knows that a dozen questions would set up a salutary
ferment of opinion if they were not stifled by the refusal of Home Rule.
The Protestant tenant-farmers of Ulster have identical interests with
those of other Provinces, and have profited largely by the legislation
extorted by Nationalists; but for the most part, though by no means
wholly, they vote Unionist. The two great towns, Dublin and Belfast, are
divided by the most irrational antagonism. Labourers, both rural and
urban, have distinct and important interests; the rural labourers have
no spokesman, the town-labourers only one. It was admitted to me by a
Unionist organizer in Belfast that that city, but for the Home Rule
issue, would probably return four labour members. Nor have parties any
close relation to the distribution of wealth. In the matter of incomes
the prosperous traders of C