will
elect representatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation
effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the
contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favor its extension.
Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on
that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave
territory or a free territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska
Bill."

As to the moral aspect of his actions, Douglas must ultimately be judged
by the significance which this position in which he placed himself
assumed in his own mind. Friendly critics excuse him: an interpretation
of the Dred Scott decision which explained it away as an irresponsible
utterance on a subject outside the scope of the case, a mere obiter
dictum, is the justification which is called in to save him from
the charge of insincerity. His friends, today, admit that this
interpretation was bad law, but maintain that it may have been good
morals, and that Douglas honestly held it. But many of us have not yet
advanced so far in critical generosity, and cannot help feeling that
Douglas's position remains political legerdemain--an attempt by a great
officer of the government, professing to defend the Supreme Court, to
show the people how to go through the motions of obedience to the Court
while defeating its intention. If not double-dealing in a strict sense,
it must yet be considered as having in it the temper of double-dealing.*
This was, indeed, the view of many men of his own day and, among them,
of Lincoln. Yet the type of man on whom the masters of the game of
politics relied saw nothing in Douglas's position at which to be
disturbed. It was merely playing politics, and if that absorbing sport
required one to carry water on both shoulders, why--play the game!
Douglas was the man for people like that. They cheered him to the echo
and sent him back to the Senate. So well was this type understood by
some of Lincoln's friends that they had begged him, at least according
to tradition, not to put the question at Freeport, as by doing so he
would enable Douglas to save himself with his constituency. Lincoln saw
further, however. He understood better than they the forces then at work
in America. The reply reported of him was: "If Douglas answers, he can
never be President, and the battle of 1860 is worth a hundred of this."

* There are three ways of regarding Douglas's position: (1)