f Thirteen. In this
committee the Southern leaders, Toombs and Davis, were both willing to
accept the Compromise, if a majority of the Republican members would
agree. Indeed, if the Republicans would agree to it, there seemed
no reason why a new understanding between the sections might not be
reached, and no reason why sectionalism, if accepted as the basis of the
government, might not solve the immediate problem and thus avert war.

In this crisis all eyes were turned to Seward, that conspicuous
Republican who was generally looked upon as the real head of his
party. And Seward, at that very moment, was debating whether to accept
Lincoln's offer of the Secretaryship of State, for he considered it
vital to have an understanding with Lincoln on the subject of the
Compromise. He talked the matter over with Weed, and they decided that
Weed should go to Springfield and come to terms with Lincoln. It was the
interview between Weed and Lincoln held, it seems, on the very day on
which the Ordinance of Secession was adopted--which gave to that day its
double significance.

Lincoln refused point-blank to accept the compromise and he put his
refusal in writing. The historic meaning of his refusal, and the
significance of his determination not to solve the problem of the hour
by accepting a dual system of government based on frankly sectional
assumptions, were probably, in a measure, lost on both Weed and Seward.
They had, however, no misunderstanding of its practical effect. This
crude Western lawyer had certain ideas from which he would not budge,
and the party would have to go along with him. Weed and Seward therefore
promptly fell into line, and Seward accepted the Secretaryship and came
out in opposition to the Compromise. Other Republicans with whom Lincoln
had communicated by letter made known his views, and Greeley announced
them in The Tribune. The outcome was the solid alignment of all the
Republicans in Congress against the Compromise. As a result, this last
attempt to reunite the sections came to nothing.

Not more than once or twice, if ever, in American history, has there
been such an anxious New Year's Day as that which ushered in 1861. A
few days before, a Republican Congressman had written to one of his
constituents: "The heavens are indeed black and an awful storm is
gathering...I see no way that either North or South can escape its
fury." Events were indeed moving fast toward disaster. The garrison at
Sumter w