the lower house, so as to enable the king to complete and
maintain the reorganized army. The opposition of the House was supported
by the country and by a large party at court, including the queen and
crown prince. The indignation which his appointment caused was intense;
he was known only by the reputation which in his early years he had won
as a violent ultra-Conservative, and the apprehensions were increased by
his first speech, in which he said that the German question could not be
settled by speeches and parliamentary decrees, but only by blood and
iron. His early fall was predicted, and it was feared that he might
bring down the monarchy with him. Standing almost alone he succeeded in
the task he had undertaken. For four years he ruled without a budget,
taking advantage of an omission in the constitution which did not
specify what was to happen in case the crown and the two Houses could
not agree on a budget. The conflict of the ministers and the House
assumed at times the form of bitter personality hostility; in 1863 the
ministers refused any longer to attend the sittings, and Bismarck
challenged Virchow, one of his strongest opponents, to a duel, which,
however, did not take place. In 1852 he had fought a duel with pistols
against Georg von Vindre, a political opponent. In June 1863, as soon as
parliament had risen, Bismarck published ordinances controlling the
liberty of the press, which, though in accordance with the letter,
seemed opposed to the intentions of the constitution, and it was on this
occasion that the crown prince, hitherto a silent opponent, publicly
dissociated himself from the policy of his father's ministers. Bismarck
depended for his position solely on the confidence of the king, and the
necessity for defending himself against the attempts to destroy this
confidence added greatly to the suspiciousness of his nature. He was,
however, really indispensable, for his resignation must be followed by a
Liberal ministry, parliamentary control over the army, and probably the
abdication of the king. Not only, therefore, was he secure in the
continuance of the king's support, but he had also the complete control
of foreign affairs. Thus he could afford to ignore the criticism of the
House, and the king was obliged to acquiesce in the policy of a minister
to whom he owed so much.

Foreign policy.

He soon gave to the policy of the monarchy a resolution which had long
been wanting. When the emperor