alliance,
the partition of Turkey. This was substantially what the Czar had been
promised at Tilsit, but he had not yet obtained a single item of the
list then agreed upon. In spite of Caulaincourt's caresses and
Napoleon's cajoling, he was now in a determined humor, and meant to
demand the fulfilment of his ally's engagement, not from good will,
but from necessity. Talleyrand, wearied to distraction by the dull
life of Valencay and the charge of the Spanish princes, had determined
to regain his diplomatic power, and now began, by the agency of his
many devoted friends in Paris, an extensive course of preparation for
a return to public life and to influence. Through semi-official
channels the Czar was informed that France, drunk with victory and
conquest, now looked to his wisdom for protection from the further
ambitions of her fiery ruler. Before long Alexander's own agents began
to confirm this statement. The French nation, at least the reasonable
portion of it, they said, was weary of Napoleon's imperial policy. If
this were true, Spain and Austria might be used to hold France in
check while Russia should work her will on the Danube. No matter now
if her ally were faithless: compliance could be forced from his
weakness.

This disposition had been partly foreseen by Napoleon; he was informed
by Caulaincourt how steadily it was crystallizing into a fixed
determination. To the observer the moment seemed critical, but the
great adventurer was still able to ride the storm. Whence the impulse
came is not easily determined, but he turned to Talleyrand as an agent
likely to be useful in such complications. The intriguer came forward
promptly, and, receiving the Caulaincourt despatches, together with a
verbal explanation from the Emperor, was quickly in readiness for the
duty of counselor, to which he was called. Napoleon himself assumed a
lofty tone. On August fifteenth he held a levee at St. Cloud to which
all the representatives of foreign powers were summoned; those of
Russia and Austria stood near together. Again, as on the famous
occasion before the rupture of the peace of Amiens, he uttered a
public allocution in the form of a conversation; this time it was with
Metternich, the Austrian ambassador, and he was calmer and more
courtly. Reproaching the Emperor of Austria with ingratitude, he
announced his political policy; to wit, that Russia would hold Austria
in check, while he and Alexander divided the East between th