rty-four pieces of cannon, with great warlike stores;
that the standard of Orange was hoisted everywhere; that no other
cockade could be worn at the Hague; that the States General were to
assemble that night for reinstating the Stadtholder in all his rights.
The letter concludes, "we have this moment intelligence that Woerden
has capitulated; so that Amsterdam remains without defence." So far the
letter. We know, otherwise, that Monsieur de St. Priest, who had set
out on his embassy to the Hague, has stopped at Antwerp, not choosing
to proceed further till new orders. This court has been completely
deceived, first by its own great desire to avoid a war, and secondly by
calculating that the King of Prussia would have acted on principles of
common sense, which would surely have dictated, that a power, lying
between the jaws of Russia and Austria, should not separate itself from
France, unless, indeed, he had assurances of dispositions in those two
powers, which are not supposed to exist. On the contrary, I am
persuaded that they ask the alliance of France, whom we suppose to be
under hesitations between her reluctance to abandon the Turks, her
jealousy of increasing by their spoils, the power of the two empires,
and the inability to oppose them. If they cannot obtain her alliance,
they will surely join themselves to England and Prussia.

Official advices are received, that the first division of the Russian
army has passed the Borysthenes into the Polish Ukraine, and is
marching towards the frontiers of Turkey. Thus, we may consider the
flames of war as completely kindled in two distinct parts of this
quarter of the globe, and that though France and England have not yet
engaged themselves in it, the probabilities are, that they will do it.

I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. CARNES.

PARIS, September 22, 1787.

SIR,--I am honored by your favor of the 17th instant. A war between
France and England does not necessarily engage America in it; and I
think she will be disposed rather to avail herself of the advantages of
a neutral power. By the former usage of nations, the goods of a friend
were safe, though taken in an enemy bottom, and those of an enemy were
lawful prize, though found in a free bottom. But in our treaties with
France, etc., we have established the simpler rule, that a free bottom
makes free goods, and an enemy