ed, and how
it was ever possible for his mind to get any rest; to which
I answered, that he rested his intellect while he was making
his speeches. But this was a sorry jest, with very little
foundation in fact. Anybody who undertook to debate with
him, found him a tough customer. He knew the Bible--especially
the Psalms of David--and the poems of Burns, by heart. When
he died I think there was no other man left in the Senate,
on either side, whose loss would have occasioned a more genuine
and profound sorrow.

When I came into the Senate one of the most conspicuous characters
in American public life was Oliver P. Morton of Indiana. He
had been Governor of Indiana during the War. There was a
large and powerful body of Copperheads among the Democrats
in that State. They were very different from their brethren
in the East. They were ugly, defiant and full of a dangerous
activity. Few other men could have dealt with them with the
vigor and success of Governor Morton. The State at its elections
was divided into two hostile camps. If they did not resort
to the weapons of war, they were filled with a hatred and
bitterness which does not commonly possess military opponents.
Gov. Morton, in spite of the great physical infirmity which
came upon him before the War ended, held the State in its
place in the Union with an iron hand. When he came to the
Senate he found there no more powerful, brave or unyielding
defender of liberty. He had little regard for Constitutional
scruples. I do not think it should be said that he would
willingly violate his oath to support the Constitution. But
he believed that the Constitution should be interpreted in
the light of the Declaration of Independence, so as to be
the law of life to a great, powerful and free people. To this
principle of interpretation, all strict or narrow criticism,
founded on its literal meaning, must yield.

His public life was devoted to two supreme objects:

1. Preservation of the Constitutional authority of the Government.

2. The maintenance by that authority of the political and
personal rights of all citizens, of all races and classes.

As I have said, he interpreted the Constitution in a manner
which he thought would best promote these objects. He had
little respect for subtilties or refinements or scruples
that stood in the way.

He was for going straight to his object. When the Hayes
and Tilden contest was up, he was for having the Pre