lem involves different solutions because it embraces a number
of cases. Between the Russians, the French, the English, the Germans
there is a similarity of will, but not, it seems, an analogy of
sentiment. I shall undertake to analyze the case of Germany. It has
peculiar interest on account of its importance, of its definiteness, of
the comparisons to which it leads, and the reflections which it
suggests. Numerous facts easy to verify and in part recent permit us to
throw some light upon it and offer us a guarantee against hazardous
conjectures.

_Defining a caste as "a group of men bound to each other by solidarity
of functions in society," such as the Brahmins of India and the feudal
nobility, Prof. Millioud says that he will use the terms as equivalent
or nearly equivalent to a "directing class." Quoting the article from
Vorwaerts which led to the suspension of that Socialist organ and which
"admits by implication that responsibility for the war falls on
Germany," he proceeds to examine the origins of the influence of the war
party and the interests it served._

Here we must have recourse to history. In Germany the dominant class is
composed in part of an aristocracy by birth and of bourgeois
capitalists, more or less of them ennobled. The interior policy of
Germany since 1871 and even since 1866 is explained by the relations,
sometimes kindly, sometimes hostile, of these two categories of persons,
by the opposition or the conjunction of these two influences, and not
by a struggle of the dominant class against the socialistic mass. That
struggle, which is in France and is becoming in England a fact of
essential gravity, has been in Germany only a phenomenon of secondary
importance. It has determined neither the profound evolution of the
national life nor the chief decisions of the Government.

In Germany, as is known, the abolition of the ancien regime did not take
place brusquely as in France. After the revolution and the French
occupation, the noble caste recovered all its privileges. It has lost
them little by little, but not yet entirely. Even the liquidation of the
property of the feudal regime was not completed until toward 1850.
Napoleon made some sad cuts in the little sovereignties, but from 1813
to 1815 the princely families did their utmost to recover their
independence. The greater part were mediatized, but their tenacity
offered a serious obstacle up to 1871 to the establishment of German
unity.

Th