eived as an attachment to personal
relations, as the service of one man, the subject, to another man, the
King, and not the service of an anonymous person, the functionary, to an
abstraction, the State, the republic, this was formerly designated by
the word faithful, (feal,) which has disappeared from our vocabulary
because it is without meaning in our present moral state.

The Junker is particularist, at least he was. The political and
administrative centralization which the Jacobins achieved in France
inspires him with horror. For him it is disorder. He sees in it nothing
but a dust heap of individuals crushed beneath a formula. Even today,
when the German accuses France of anarchy, that is what he means. He
figures to himself the nation as a vast hierarchy of liberties, an
autonomy of States within the empire, of provinces within the State, of
communes within the province, of proprietors within the commune.
Equality is equality of rank, of worth, of wealth, of force, but
impersonal equality before the law is for him an unnatural thing, an
invention of the professors which at heart he despises.

He is agrarian and militarist, that is to say, conservative and enamored
of force. In 1830 four-fifths of the population lived by agriculture and
the landlord governed his peasants patriarchally. He kept the
conservatist spirit of a rustic, a very lively sense of authority and
the military instinct. He had scant liking for distant enterprises or
adventures. He was at once religious, warlike, and realist, knowing how
to nurse his ambitions and to confine his view to what was within reach.

Bismarck for a long time was the decided opponent of naval armaments and
colonial policy, in short, of imperialism. Even his projects for social
reform--insurance against sickness, against old age--which have been
accepted as concessions to modern ideas, were due entirely to his
monarchical and patriarchal conception of the State. He copied the
ancient decrees of Colbert as to naval personnel. He would have gone as
far as assurance against non-employment. In the dominion of the King, he
said, no one should die of hunger.

The Junker made a force of Prussia; he made Prussia itself. It was due
to him that she passed after 1815 from the form of a Polizeistaat to the
form of Kulturstaat, the latter only an expansion of the former. In
place of a watchful, regulating, and vexatious State she became an
organized State, the instructor of youth, th