impartiality the arguments which have
been made use of on each side, I cannot think the question before us
doubtful or difficult; and hope that I may promote a speedy decision
of it by recapitulating what has been already urged, that the debate
may be considered at one view, and by adding some observations which
have arisen to my own thoughts on this occasion.

At the first view of the question before us, in its present state, no
man can find any reasons for prejudice in favour of the address
proposed. This house is, indeed, yet divided, and many lords have
spoken on each side with great force and with great address; but the
authority of the other house, added to the numbers which have already
declared in this for the support of the foreign troops, is sufficient
to turn the balance, in the opinion of any man who contents himself to
judge by the first appearance of things; and must incline him to
imagine that position at least more probable, which is ratified by the
determination of one house, and yet undecided by the other.

I know, my lords, what may be objected to these observations on the
other house, and readily agree with the noble lord, that our
determinations ought not to be influenced by theirs. But on this
occasion, I introduce their decision not as the decrees of
legislators, but as the result of the consideration of wise men; and
in this sense it may be no less reasonable to quote the determination
of the commons, than to introduce the opinion of any private man whose
knowledge or experience give his opinion a claim to our regard.

Nor do I mention the weight of authority on one side as sufficient to
influence the private determination of any in this great assembly. It
is the privilege and the duty of every man, who possesses a seat in
the highest council of his country, to make use of his own eyes and
his own understanding, to reject those arguments of which he cannot
find the force, whatever effect they may have upon others, and to
discharge the great trust conferred upon him by consulting no
conscience but his own.

Yet, though we are by no means to suffer the determinations of other
men to repress our inquiries, we may certainly make use of them to
assist them; we may very properly, therefore, inquire the reasons that
induced the other house to approve those bills which are brought
before them, since it is not likely that their consent was obtained
without arguments, at least probable, though they ar