ons which might
produce no treaties, or with treaties which might be broken whenever
the violation of them afforded any prospect of that advantage; we were
now resolved to sacrifice the pleasures of neutrality, and the profits
of peaceful traffick, to the security of the liberties of Europe, and
the observation of publick faith.

This necessity was so generally allowed, that when the first body of
troops was sent over, no objection was made by those who found
themselves inclined to censure the conduct of our affairs, but that
they were not sufficiently numerous to defend themselves, and would be
taken prisoners by a French detachment; the ministry were therefore
asked, why they did not send a larger force, why they engaged in
hostilities, which could only raise the laughter of our enemies, and
why, if they intended war, they did not raise an army sufficient to
prosecute it?

An army, my lords, an army truly formidable, is now raised, and
assembled on the frontiers of France, ready to assist our ally, and to
put a stop to the violence of invasions. We now see ourselves once
again united with the house of Austria, and may hope once more to
drive the oppressors of mankind before us. But now, my lords, a
clamour is propagated through the nation, that these measures, which
have been so long desired, are pernicious and treacherous; that we are
armed, not against France, but against ourselves; that our armies are
sent over either not to fight, or to fight in a quarrel in which we
have no concern; to gain victories from which this nation will receive
no advantage, or to bring new dishonour upon their country by a
shameful inactivity.

This clamour, which if it had been confined to the vulgar, had been,
perhaps, of no great importance, nor could have promoted any of the
designs of those by whom it was raised, has been mentioned in this
house as an argument in favour of the motion which is now under the
consideration of your lordships; and it has been urged that these
measures cannot be proper, because all measures, by which his
majesty's government is made unpopular, must in the end be destructive
to the nation.

On this occasion, my lords, it is necessary to consider the nature of
popularity, and to inquire how far it is to be considered in the
administration of publick affairs. If by popularity is meant only a
sudden shout of applause, obtained by a compliance with the present
inclination of the people, however excited,