with the commons in providing for their support, unless it shall
appear that the design for which all our preparations have been made
is such as cannot be executed, or such as ought not to be pursued.
Several arguments have been offered to prove both these positions; one
noble lord has asserted, that it is by no means for the advantage
either of ourselves or any other nation, to restore the house of
Austria to its ancient elevation; another, that it is, by the imperial
constitutions, unlawful for any of the princes of Germany to make war
upon the emperour solemnly acknowledged by the diet. They have
endeavoured to intimidate us, by turning our view to the difficulties
by which our attempts are obstructed; difficulties which they affect
to represent as insuperable, at least to this nation in its present
state. With this design, my lords, has the greatness of the French
power been exaggerated, the faith of the king of Sardinia questioned,
and the king of Prussia represented as determined to support the
pretensions of the emperour; with this view has our natural strength
been depreciated, and all our measures and hopes have been ridiculed,
with wantonness, not very consistent with the character of a British
patriot.
Most of these arguments, my lords, have been already answered, and
answered in such a manner as has, I believe, not failed of convincing
every lord of their insufficiency, unless, perhaps, those are to be
excepted ty whom they were offered. It has with great propriety been
observed, that the inconsistency imputed to his majesty in opposing
the emperour for whom he voted, is merely imaginary; since it is not a
necessary consequence, that he for whom he voted is, therefore,
lawfully elected; and because his majesty does not engage in this war
for the sake of dethroning the emperour, but of supporting the
Pragmatick sanction; nor does he oppose him as the head of the German
body, but as the invader of the dominions of Austria.
With regard to the propriety of maintaining the Austrian family in its
present possessions, and of raising it, if our arms should be
prosperous, to its ancient greatness, it has been shown, that no other
power is able to defend Europe either against the Turks on one part,
or the French on the other; two powers equally professing the
destructive intention of extending their dominions without limits, and
of trampling upon the privileges and liberties of all the rest of
mankind.
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