he institution was being placed on a new basis--a basis
for making it Perpetual, National, and Universal. Subsequent events
have greatly confirmed me in that belief.

"I believe that Bill to be the beginning of a Conspiracy for that
purpose. So believing, I have since then considered that question a
paramount one. So believing, I thought the public mind would never rest
till the power of Congress to restrict the spread of it shall again be
acknowledged and exercised on the one hand, or, on the other, all
resistance be entirely crushed out. I have expressed that opinion and I
entertain it to-night."

Having given some pieces of evidence in proof of the "tendency," he had
discovered, to the Nationalization of Slavery in these States, Mr.
Lincoln continued: "And now, as to the Judge's inference, that because I
wish to see Slavery placed in the course of ultimate extinction--placed
where our fathers originally placed it--I wish to annihilate the State
Legislatures--to force cotton to grow upon the tops of the Green
Mountains--to freeze ice in Florida--to cut lumber on the broad Illinois
prairies--that I am in favor of all these ridiculous and impossible
things! It seems to me it is a complete answer to all this, to ask if,
when Congress did have the fashion of restricting Slavery from Free
Territory; when Courts did have the fashion of deciding that taking a
Slave into a Free, Country made him Free--I say it is a sufficient
answer to ask, if any of this ridiculous nonsense, about consolidation
and uniformity, did actually follow? Who heard of any such thing,
because of the Ordinance of '87? because of the Missouri Restriction
because of the numerous Court decisions of that character?

"Now, as to the Dred Scott decision; for upon that he makes his last
point at me. He boldly takes ground in favor of that decision. This is
one-half the onslaught and one-third of the entire plan of the campaign.
I am opposed to that decision in a certain sense, but not in the sense
which he puts on it. I say that in so far as it decided in favor of
Dred Scott's master, and against Dred Scott and his family, I do not
propose to disturb or resist the decision. I never have proposed to do
any such thing. I think, that in respect for judicial authority, my
humble history would not suffer in comparison with that of Judge
Douglas. He would have the citizen conform his vote to that decision;
the member of Congress, his; the President,