inhabitants, and with a mind more free for the
consideration of great Imperial affairs. This now seems to them the
only way to produce order out of the present constitutional chaos.

What, then, are the lines that should be followed if we are to go
forward to that goal? An Imperial Parliament of that nature would
probably be a smaller assembly than the present House of Commons,
which is far too large for modern conditions. There is, therefore, good
ground for reducing the representation of Ireland to 42, or 38 less
than in 1893. That will clear the way for a future Imperial assembly of
between 300 and 400, it being understood that as each section of the
United Kingdom obtains its own Home Rule Parliament it will consent to
have its representation at Westminster reduced in proportion.

As long as the present system of Cabinet Government resting on
majorities exists--and it is the only conceivable system for a
completely self-governing democracy--it still seems, as it seemed to
the men of 1893, impossible to agree to any "in and out" arrangement.
Under such a plan the Government might possess a majority on Imperial
or English affairs, while it could be out-voted on Irish affairs.
Although such a situation might conceivably work for a time, it might
come to a sudden deadlock in a moment of emergency. It seems best,
therefore, that the 42 Irish members at Westminster should possess full
voting powers. If any Liberal dreads the prospect of having 42 Irish
members still possibly giving votes hostile to Liberal views--say, on
education--I would ask him to remember that the Liberal Party will not
have to mourn the loss of Irish votes still almost certain to be cast
in their favour on behalf of many democratic measures.

* * * * *

The prospect of this larger federal settlement opens a larger vision
than that of 1886 or 1893. Strangely enough, it is the same vision as
that sketched by Mr. Joseph Chamberlain in the daring speech which he
made on the second reading of the Home Rule Bill of 1886:--

"In my view the solution of this question should be sought in
some form of federation, which would really maintain the
Imperial unity, and which would, at the same time, conciliate
the desire for a national local government which is felt so
strongly in Ireland. I say I believe it is on this line, and
not on the line of our relations with our self-governing
Colonies,