ying their farms under
the policy of Land Purchase which the Orange Ulstermen resisted. These
farmers have freely used the Land Courts which their representatives
denounced as revolution and the "end of all things." They are profiting
by the triumphs of Nationalist policy even while they denounce the
Nationalists in terms which are reserved by other people for criminals
and wild beasts.

The best men in Ulster will probably think twice before prolonging a
campaign of rebellion. We have heard of late threats of refusal to pay
taxes or rents to the Irish Parliament. But what could be more
dangerous to a city like Belfast than a no-rent campaign under the
guidance of English lawyers? If the farmers are advised not to pay
their rents to Dublin, is it not likely that the working-class tenants
of Belfast may refuse to pay their rents to their own landlords? At
their own peril, indeed, will a class which largely lives on rent and
interest strike a blow at the habits and customs which enforce such
payments. The kid-glove revolution of linen merchants might suddenly
and swiftly turn into something nearer to the real, red thing. It is
dangerous to set examples in revolution.

As Ulster gradually swings round to the inevitable, she will discover
that there is a very bright silver lining to what seems to her so black
a cloud. Ulster, while still represented at Westminster, will send 59
members to Dublin under the 1912 Bill. Thus she will have no small or
mean representation in the future Irish Parliament. She may have far
more power than she imagines, if she uses it with wisdom. A strong
Progressive section from the industrial North may hold the balance
between the parties of the South and centre. It would be rash to
predict the future. But there are many causes--education, Free Trade,
enlightened local government, to take a few--in which Ireland will gain
immensely by a strong, clear progressive lead. "The best is yet to
be." Why should not Belfast--Belfast Protestant united with Belfast
Catholic--have in these matters a greater and nobler part to play under
Home Rule than under the present system of distant, ignorant,
absent-minded, rule?

As for religious persecution, the thing would be absurdly impossible
under any Home Rule Bill that possessed the guarantees and safeguards
of the 1912 Bill. But, beyond those safeguards, Ulster will always
have, in any such extreme and improbable event, an appeal to all the
forces of the Em