ould impress upon the public mind--the principle for which he declares
he has suffered so much, and is ready to suffer to the end. And well
may he cling to that principle. If he has any parental feeling, well
may he cling to it. That principle is the only shred left of his
original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott decision "squatter
sovereignty" squatted out of existence, tumbled down like temporary
scaffolding--like the mould at the foundry served through one blast and
fell back into loose sand,--helped to carry an election, and then was
kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Republicans
against the Lecompton Constitution involves nothing of the original
Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point--the right of a
people to make their own constitution--upon which he and the
Republicans have never differed.

The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connection with
Senator Douglas's "care not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery
in its present state of advancement. This was the third point gained.
The working points of that machinery are:

(1) That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no
descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the
sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States.
This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible
event, of the benefit of that provision of the United States
Constitution which declares that "the citizens of each State shall be
entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the
several States."

(2) That, "subject to the Constitution of the United States," neither
Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude slavery from any
United States Territory. This point is made in order that individual
men may fill up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing
them as property, and thus to enhance the chances of permanency to the
institution through all the future.

(3) That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free State
makes him free as against the holder, the United States courts will not
decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave State
the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made, not to
be pressed immediately; but, if acquiesced in for a while, and
apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the
logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do