tune at Paris. That translation
seems the language the most suited to these sentiments. Our author tells
the French Jacobins, that the political interests of Great Britain are
in perfect unison with the principles of their government,--that they
may take and keep the keys of the civilized world, for they are safe in
their unambitious and faithful custody. We say to them, "We may, indeed,
wish you to be a little less murderous, wicked, and atheistical, for the
sake of morals; we may think it were better you were less new-fangled in
your speech, for the sake of grammar; but, as _politicians_, provided
you keep clear of monarchy, all our fears, alarms, and jealousies are at
an end: at least, they sink into nothing in comparison of our dread of
your detestable royalty." A flatterer of Cardinal Mazarin said, when
that minister had just settled the match between the young Louis the
Fourteenth and a daughter of Spain, that this alliance had the effect of
faith and had removed mountains,--that the Pyrenees were levelled by
that marriage. You may now compliment Reubell in the same spirit on the
miracles of regicide, and tell him that the guillotine of Louis the
Sixteenth had consummated a marriage between Great Britain and France,
which dried up the Channel, and restored the two countries to the unity
which it is said they had before the unnatural rage of seas and
earthquakes had broke off their happy junction. It will be a fine
subject for the poets who are to prophesy the blessings of this peace.

I am now convinced that the Remarks of the last week of October cannot
come from the author to whom they are given, they are such a direct
contradiction to the style of manly indignation with which he spoke of
those miscreants and murderers in his excellent memorial to the States
of Holland,--to that very state which the author who presumes to
personate him does not find it contrary to the political interests of
England to leave in the hands of these very miscreants, against whom on
the part of England he took so much pains to animate their republic.
This cannot be; and if this argument wanted anything to give it new
force, it is strengthened by an additional reason, that is irresistible.
Knowing that noble person, as well as myself, to be under very great
obligations to the crown, I am confident he would not so very directly
contradict, even in the paroxysm of his zeal against monarchy, the
declarations made in the name and with the